Chavismo pursues commercial and spiritual partnerships

Rewritten Article:

The Venezuela's ruling United Socialist Party (PSUV), leading up to the presidential elections, has been actively courting the business sector and religious leaders, two groups traditionally at odds with the Bolivarian Revolution. This move has stirred suspicious whispers among Chavista supporters and corporate/religious circles alike.

The PSUV, a socialist party, is considered polyclassist, accepting followers from various religions and non-proletariat classes. This contrasts with traditional communist parties that limited their membership to workers and peasants. Despite this web of contradictions, the PSUV remains the largest party in the country, boasting organizational cohesion and an effective electoral machine.

Opposing forces on the other side are fragmented, with an archipelago of parties, movements and individuals who seldom unite for electoral purposes. However, the core of the PSUV has been wearing thin in the past decade, especially since Hugo Chávez's death. To counteract this erosion, the leadership has decided to broaden its spectrum of alliances.

Engaging with the business sector is a minefield, and both sides tread cautiously. Government appointments in the Venezuelan Red Cross, headed by a business lawyer, and the new Fedecámaras president's decisive statement against US sanctions mark bold steps forward.

The relationship with the business sector has been marked by animosity since Chávez's days. Clashes with the Catholic Church and education sector, old trade unions, media, and even the middle class characterized his government. As a result, the PSUV is perceived as a Marxist organization primarily composed of poor classes, despite Chávez's intent to create a polyclassist party.

Business leaders are not the only ones wary of the PSUV. The religious field also poses challenges, particularly the Catholic Church's hostility from some episcopal leaders. However, the PSUV has been reaching out to non-Catholic Christians, Jews, Muslims, and representatives of minority cults.

Deputy Nicolás Maduro Guerra, son of President Maduro, has been appointed to handle this religious outreach. As with the business sector, this move has sparked resistance within Chavismo and skepticism from religious organizations concerned about potential financial support to churches and the potentially corrosive influence of evangelical cults in Latin America.

The strategy of courting the private sector and religious movements appears to be a calculated move to neutralize their oppositionist spirit and attract supporters from poor and lower middle-class strata. This strategy is unfolding in the run-up to the May 25, 2025, National Assembly and governorship elections.

This piece is the work of journalist and political analyst Clodovaldo Hernández, with experience in higher education and winner of the National Journalism Prize (Opinion category) in 2002. He is author of the books Reinventario (poetry and short stories), De genios y de figuras (journalistic profiles), and Esa larga, infinita distancia (novel).

The views expressed in this article are the author's own and not necessarily the same as those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

Translated by Venezuelanalysis.

The Venezuelan United Socialist Party (PSUV), in the buildup to the presidential elections, is attempting to win over the business sector and religious leaders, groups historically at odds with the Bolivarian Revolution.
The PSUV, a polyclassist socialist party, welcomes followers from various religions and non-proletariat classes, contrasting with traditional communist parties which limit their membership.
Despite the intricate contradictions within the PSUV, it remains the largest party in the country, known for its organizational cohesion and efficient electoral machine.
Opposing forces, on the other hand, are fractured, with an array of parties, movements, and individuals rarely uniting for electoral purposes.
The PSUV's core has been eroding over the past decade, particularly since Hugo Chávez's death, leading to a strategic decision to extend its network of alliances.
Engaging with the business sector is a risky maneuver, and both parties tread carefully, as witnessed by the appointments in the Venezuelan Red Cross and the new Fedecámaras president's stance against US sanctions.
The relationship between the PSUV and the business sector has been strained since Chávez's tenure, with clashes over the Catholic Church, education, media, and the middle class.
Religious leaders also pose challenges, prompting concerns from some episcopal leaders of the Catholic Church, and outreach to non-Catholic Christians, Jews, Muslims, and minor cults.
Deputy Nicolás Maduro Guerra, President Maduro's son, has been appointed to handle religious outreach, leading to internal resistance within Chavismo and skepticism from religious organizations.
This strategy of courting the private sector and religious movements aims to mute their oppositionist spirit and gain support from poor and lower middle-class strata.
This strategic shift is visible as the country approaches the May 25, 2025, National Assembly and governorship elections.
Journalist and political analyst Clodovaldo Hernández, a winner of the National Journalism Prize (Opinion category) in 2002, penned this piece, expressing personal views that may not align with the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.
Hernández is the author of several books, including Reinventario (poetry and short stories), De genios y de figuras (journalistic profiles), and Esa larga, infinita distancia (novel).
The article was translated by Venezuelanalysis.
The state of the housing market, personal finance, wealth management, real estate, commercial, and residential sectors remains uncertain, impacted by migration, war and conflicts, policy and legislation, accidents, fires, and crime and justice issues, among others, in the lead up to the elections.